The road to now

1) "The struggle to achieve equality and dignity did not begin in the 1950s or the 1960s; it had its roots in Montreal's days of slavery. For black women it is a struggle against racism and sexism. Although they share gender, black women and white women do not share the same history—black women also suffered while enslaved, at the hands of white women. Since the Emancipation Act of 1834, throughout the British Empire the economic and social freedom of black women has been circumscribed by the needs of Canada's labour market.
Black women played significant roles in the building of Montreal's black community. The historical narrative must illuminate their history, their collective contributions, their ideas, and their aspirations. I wish to investigate the strategies they employed and the alliances these women developed which help them to survive. This book is not intended to place black women within the context of other women of their day, although at times it was necessary to demonstrate how connected all women are to the forces around them. Although women's strategies and their choices appeared similar, their actions sprang from very different needs. The Road to Now is a glimpse into the world these women made. They are creators, mothers, providers, volunteers, workers and the independent women they were and are. But, to understand black women and their history we cannot only compare them to other women—they must be placed in the context of their families, their black sisterhood and especially their communities."

2) "Although there is no evidence that there had ever been a group of blacks working in one specific occupational sector in the city prior to the 1880s, the development of the railways changed all that. It was the beginning of the era in Montreal when the word porter was synonymous with black man. The reasons are at the heart of the racism which framed society's relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. They go beyond the fact that the Pullman Palace Car Company deliberately instituted an ethnic and racially-segregated hiring policy. In her study of the sleeping car porters, sociologist Agnes Calliste suggests that there were three reasons why labour stratification became so rigid. An obvious incentive for the Company was the cheap wage rate black labour commanded which went hand in hand with their lack of collective power.
The second reason had to do with a legacy of slavery—the social distance created by race. Black men were invisible to the clientele they served, which was perfect should there be any indiscretions during overnight travel. The company counted on social conventions and social mores to control the porters.
The third reason was a throwback to the slave/master relationship. The traditional service roles that blacks performed conveyed status to the white person being ministered to. This status played a large role in the satisfaction of the clientele and enhanced the romance of long distance travel."

3) "During the early and mid-nineteenth century the main thoroughfare of the St. Antoine ward was St. Antoine street which was lined with the stately residences of doctors, lawyers, and financiers. Over time, as new districts opened up, and as the working class encroached, professionals vacated the lower sections of the district for the Golden Mile—the upper sections of St. Antoine ward. Many, not so wealthy, moved to other exclusive jurisdictions north and west of St. Antoine. As the elite moved out, real estate speculators and private holding companies bought up the mansions in St. Antoine, subdivided the homes, and began to rend out flats and rooms to immigrant and working-class families. Slowly, ownership by absentee landlords contributed to a deterioration of housing in lower St. Antoine, resulting in slum-like conditions. To minimize costs and maximize profits the owners did little to maintain the properties, while at the same time low rents encouraged high occupancy."

4) "By 1928 more blacks lived between Peel street and Richmond Square than in any other section of the St. Antoine district. Numerous black families who were attracted by the presence of the Eureka Association Inc. lived around Richmond Square. The Eureka Association—a black real estate company incorporated by blacks—was one of many black business enterprises that flourished during the 1920s. Blacks purchased company shares and the money was pooled in order to buy tenement housing for rental to blacks. Constant and overt discrimination [had] made apartment hunting a difficult and painful experience."

5) "The period from the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s was one of consolidation for Montreal's black community. The standard of living and job mobility increased dramatically. It was also a period when community associations and human rights organizations proliferated. Changes would occur in the late 1960s as the result of immigration from black and developing countries which would irrevocably change Montreal's black community.
Like many black communities in North America, the differences between the old and the new blacks were becoming apparent. In Montreal old stock blacks were those who had survived the First and Second World Wars and the Depression, and who ascribed to the values and ways of an earlier time, regardless of their ancestry.
A new wave of post-war immigrants, arriving in relatively prosperous times, helped to repopulate the black community and make up for losses incurred during the Depression and the war years. These new immigrants brought different values which did not quite mesh with Montreal's old stock black community, and eventually, as their numbers increased, these newcomers used their energies to refashion old community associations and create new ones."

6) "The energy and ideology of the students which had been maturing throughout the sixties was put to the test during the Sir George Williams Affair—the black community's watershed event of the post-war era. As a result of the Sir George Williams incident some members of the black community felt more vulnerable—the event had created the sense that they were no longer welcome or safe in the city. The positive result was that the incident generated activity rather than apathy in the community.
The aftermath of the Sir George Williams Affair forced Montreal's black community to examine its problems anew and to experiment with new forms of institutional structures. It was the catalyst that brought West Indians (who normally would not have become involved in the Canadian community) together with Canadian-born blacks (who normally would not have become involved with West Indians). For a while the events at Sir George Williams prompted collective efforts like the Black Action Party, the BCCQA, UHURU, and Umoja. The West Indians worked to establish new black organizations and demanded changes to the old structures and institutions which were effectively serving the black community. There was a push toward creating umbrella organizations which reflected the institutional centralization which was occurring throughout the social service system in Quebec. This co-operative activity contributed to a new sense of black awareness and pride."

7) "Historically Canada's economic health has relied on immigrants and imported labour. From slavery to the building of the railroads, and from domestic service to the classroom, blacks have been used to fill gaps in the labour market. Professional and skilled black immigrants whose credentials were not accepted or recognized by Canada were forced to work in jobs which Canada needed filled. Canada, like other modern industrial states has had less need for unskilled immigrants. Canada's new immigration policy still constituted a type of discrimination based on expertise."

8) "The population of blacks living in Little Burgundy was considerably less than it was in the late 1950s. There were probably 3,000 blacks living in the area in the mid 1980s. One study found that nine percent of the total anglophone black community lives in Little Burgundy, for the most part, households headed by women usually on fixed income, and seniors on marginal incomes.
In spite of the new private development, the presence of black institutions, and the history of the community, the black middle class was not returning to this community. Ironically, the area was gaining a new status among the white middle class population, although there was a time when they would not even consider living in the district. However, for the generations of blacks who struggled to leave, moving back downtown was not an option. To Montreal's black anglophone population it was still Little Burgundy—despite the fact that it was no longer a slum. Instead of enclaves based mainly on language or race, the old neighbourhood was now dividing along class lines. This will probably remain the case until either the black middle class returns to the district, or until the disadvantaged blacks leave. Until then the black community in Little Burgundy will continue to shrink."