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What I found surprising:

1. information voids -- right-wing propagandists purposely look for terms indexed on search engines (primarily google) that have few if any results, or few new results within the last year or so, and essentially colonize those terms, using propaganda to reassign the meaning they prefer and their media personalities to push audiences to "do their own research." When they go to google and search for the newly co-opted term, they find results authored by right-wing journalists, think tanks, and scholars that reinforce the messaging of the propaganda. Thus the propaganda is reinforced, and people take ownership of this interpretation of facts and issues, because they had to put some (minimal) effort into confirming the narrative. This is often how "new" issues turn up in the media, because even so-called liberal sources will start covering these stories, but...

2. Co-optation -- it's less that I found this surprising then that I find it endlessly frustrating. This is a bit of a closed-loop, if you look at it holistically. The right undermines public education and insists that only a sanitized version of history may be taught (otherwise its indoctrination; often the right projects their intentions onto the left in this way). People either never learn or forget important historical political moments, or they are so inundated in misinformation that they slowly begin to believe the current (erroneous or misleading) framing over the previously more accurate or correct framing they once believed; context and nuance are stripped away. The right resurrect the issue but with new framing and new key terms/language that fits neatly into an information void on index search engines and voila: everything old is new again. I struggle with feeling like my education deprived me of a comprehensive understanding of history and politics that I have spent a lot of time and effort correcting as an adult, so reading about this is...enraging.

3. Scriptural inference -- as far as I know, this is a term coined by Tripodi to explain an epistemological phenomenon common on the right and far less common in the center or left. It is common and often encouraged in Protestant Christianity for adherents to read the Bible - frequently, closely, daily - and meditate on the text, think of different possible meanings and applications, interpret it. (As a person who has studied religion, I could say a lot about translation and authorial intention and contemporary context, but I digress.) The only real authority in this method of interpretation of texts is the individual - certain interpretations may gain popularity within the community, but that popularity isn't necessarily rooted in expertise. Tripodi demonstrates how right-wing lawyers, judges, politicians, etc. use this technique when interpreting law and the other American texts they have reified - the Declaration, the Constitution, (some of) the Federalist Papers. It seems obvious to me to draw a line here between scriptural inference, textualism (in the legal sense), and originalism (in the constitutional sense). Textualism and originalism are now being slowly, painfully abandoned in instances where it does not produce the results that the right would prefer in terms of politics and law, but this method of interpreting text will likely remain.

I find this book an interesting mix of academic and anecdotal. It is foremost a document of Tripodi's social scientific research, but it is peppered with small stories and moments of Tripodi's own experience of her research as it was happening. I wasn't able to get my hands on a ebook version so I've only listened to the audiobook, which the author narrated. I think this would be interesting to readers who find themselves asking, where is this coming from and why is it happening? in relation to hype-news cycles. Tripodi is concerned less with the content of current right-wing propaganda than with its methods: how does it accomplish its ends? I wish she elaborated a bit about who is driving the machine, but I found the text engaging and approachable.

It's taken me a while to cohere my thoughts on this one. So let's start with - I expected this book, honestly, to be more about culture wars than about Republican party maneuvering, and I was specifically expecting to hear about the Daughters of the Confederacy and monuments. While obviously RNC politics would play a large role even if the book had focused on what I anticipated, I expected more about the way history has been memory-holed, the ways certain organizations have deliberately co-opted and rewritten the narrative around the Civil War, Reconstruction, the birth of Jim Crow, and even the Civil Rights movement in the 60s.

I didn't get much of that, though some of it came through. The most interesting aspect of the book was the way modern day Republicans are (sometimes on purpose, sometimes maybe not?) echoing the political speech of their (southern Confederate) Democratic forebears. I found this both insightful and disturbing.

"In the South, whites had made an 'inferior' race into the mudsills, dull but loyal people who were content to have their labor directed by their betters and to have no say in their government. The system operated in perfect harmony. The North had no such happy arrangement. Northerners turned white men into mudsills, and then permitted them to vote. Since they could not comprehend what was best for society and simply wanted short-term gratification, they would vote to confiscate the wealth of their betters. It was only southern leaders who had kept mudsills from creating 'anarchy and poverty' by insisting that the government could do absolutely nothing but protect property, no matter how many voters insisted that it take a more active role in society. Democracy did not mean that voters should actually 'exercise political power in detail.' They could simply elect one set of leaders or another. Hammond concluded his address by warning northerners that--unlike them--slave owners were acting on principle 'involving all our rights and all our interests.'" (summarizing James Henry Hammond, loc 861)

"they got L. Brent Bozell to ghostwrite a manifesto declaring their principles...Conscience of a Conservative....Bozell started from the same point James Henry Hammond had in South Carolina a century earlier, and for much the same reasons. He insisted that the Constitution strictly limited the functions of government, and that any restrictions on property holders were an infringement on liberty. In the name of that constitutional liberty, Bozell called for the dismantling of the activist state the New Deal had created, insisting that the government had no business in 'social welfare programs, education, public power, agriculture, public housing, (or) urban renewal.'" (loc 2871)

Richardson unfortunately doesn't frame this as counter-reactionary politics, or as part of a cycle, really, of change and resistance to that change, which happens pretty regularly in American politics (and probably politics generally). She illustrates how you can see this counter-reactionary movement forming up even before the Civil War, the outrage over the effectiveness of Reconstruction breathing a second wind into that counter-reaction, the lessons they learned by rebuilding infrastructure slowly over decades in both the South and West, and the re-adoption of the Confederate counter-reactionary language and tactics following the civil rights gains of the 1950s and 60s. This is basically the book's thesis, with a lot of detail added in specifics: "The American paradox has once again enabled oligarchs to threaten democracy. They have gained power by deploying the corollary to that paradox: equality for all will end liberty. This was the narrative an elite group of slaveholders used to take over the government in the 1850s. They were defeated on the battlefields, but their vision of America moved West after the Civil War, where it gathered the strength to regain power." (loc 327)

I think there were big gaps in the story she tells, not because her research is incomplete but because she chose a specific narrative thread and repeated herself to hammer home her point. The book skims tons of detail as regards racism and its ongoing legacy in American culture; her thesis includes the idea that racism is a tool of an incredibly wealthy faction embarking on an economic project. I think there's some legitimacy in her argument, that the economics are absolutely central to these politics, but her framing echoes the neoliberal end of history chorus, maybe--if the racism weren't so profitable, these people wouldn't be racist. This viewpoint is dangerous, a false siren song. As a result of this framing, the book really centers a white (cishet male) experience of American history, both on the side of the bad-faith actors pursuing these politics and the significantly less wealthy socially liberal whites opposing them.

Where is the discussion over the debates on public education, shifting religious cultures, the decades long court packing project of the Federalist Society, etc.? Her narrative is very focused on the development of political cultures in Western America, but I still find this discussion somewhat anemic. Some of the biggest political controversies in the West center on land-use rights, indigenous rights, water rights, and resistance to Federalism. Relatively little of that is discussed here, though I thought the bits about Western state economies being largely dependent on war industries following WWII interesting; it probably explains the entitlement-resentment dynamic I've noticed in the West regarding Federal tax dollar allocations.

I can see why this book isn't more popular; the viewpoint is very moderate liberal--if only we could recognize this problem, the sensible adults would come up with a strategy and we could vote our way out! The author frames everything as us vs. them, where the us includes the reader and assumes at least centrist politics. But I don't remember seeing an acknowledgement that the corruption isn't only one-sided in American politics (though it is unarguably concentrated to benefit one particular side). Her discussion of Clinton's presidency stands out to me here; she narrates the hard line Republicans took on taxes and the troubles this caused for Clinton's economic reform plans but skips all mention of the Crime bill.

I wonder about who Richardson was writing for; who did she envision as her audience? For myself, I can't imagine myself recommending this, not that I'd necessarily warn any reader away. What can you get here than you can't get better, more completely, more intersectionally, from other sources?