Even by the standards of Nazi death camps, Monowitz was a charnel house. Monowitz's inmates were worked to death in just *three months*. The conditions were so brutal that *the SS guards sent official complaints to Berlin*. Among their complaints: Farben refused to fund extra hospital beds for the slaves who were beaten so badly they required immediate medical attention.

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Farben broke the historical orthodoxy about slavery: until Monowitz, historians widely believed that enslavers would - at the very least - seek to maintain the health of their slaves, simply as a matter of economic efficiency. But the Reich's rock-bottom rates for fresh slaves liberated Farben from the need to preserve their slaves' ability to work.

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Instead, the slaves of Monowitz became disposable, and the bloodless logic of profit maximization dictated that more work could be attained at lower prices by working them to death over twelve short weeks.

Few of us know about Monowitz today, but in the last years of the war, it shocked the world.

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#JosephBorkin - a US antitrust lawyer who was sent to Germany after the war as part of the legal team overseeing the denazification program - wrote a seminal history of IG Farben, "The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben":

https://www.scribd.com/document/517797736/The-Crime-and-Punishment-of-I-G-Farben

Borkin's book was a bestseller, which enraged America's business lobby.

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The book made the connection between Farben's commercial strategies and the rise of the Reich (Farben helped manipulate global commodity prices in the runup to the war, which let the Reich fund its war preparations). He argued that big business constituted a danger to democracy and human rights, because its leaders would always sideline both in service to profits.

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Those US prosecutors and bureaucrats wanted justice, but not *too much* of it. For them, denazification had to be balanced against #anticommunism, and the imperatives of American business. Nazi war criminals must go on trial - but not if they were rocket scientists, especially not if the USSR might make use of them:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wernher_von_Braun

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Recall that in the USA, the bizarre epithet #PrematureAntifascist was used to condemn Americans who opposed Nazism (and fascism elsewhere in Europe) too *soon*, because these antifascists opposed the authoritarian politics of big business in America, too:

https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/premature-antifascist-and-proudly-so/

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When 24 Farben executives were tried at #Nuremberg for the slaughter at Monowitz, then argued that they had no choice but to pursue slave labor - it was their duty to their shareholders. The judges agreed: 19 of those executives walked.

Anticommunism hamstrung denazification. There was no question that German elites and its largest businesses were complicit in Nazi crimes - not mere suppliers, but active collaborators.

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Antifacism wasn't formally integrated into the denazification framework until the 1980s with "constitutional patriotism," which took until the 1990s to take firm root.

The requirement for a denazification program that didn't condemn capitalism meant that there would always be holes in Germany's truth and reconciliation process.

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The newly formed Federal Republic set aside Article 10 of the Nuremberg Charter, which would hold all members of the Nazi Party and SS responsible for their crimes. But Article 10 didn't survive contact with the Federal Republic: immediately upon taking office, #KonradAdenauer suspended Article 10, sparing 10 million war criminals.

While those spared included many rank-and-file order-followers, it also included many of the Reich's most notorious criminals.

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