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James Howard-Johnston: The Last Great War of Antiquity (2021, Oxford University Press) No rating

But we should not forget the gruesome business of fighting itself, where another key to Roman success is to be found. Battles were not fought for their own sake. The object was not to demonstrate Roman superiority. They were not mere tests of courage and manhood. Some thirty years earlier the Emperor Maurice had reminded his generals in the field that the aim was to win at minimal risk and minimal cost. Engagements were, therefore, only to be fought when the enemy had been manoeuvred into a losing position. The battle itself was but a transition between a phase of ordered movement of two opposing forces and a phase in which the defeated side, disordered, dispersing in flight, was an easy prey for the victors. The prime duty of the victorious Roman commander was to extract every possible military advantage from the second phase. A relentless pursuit was to be sustained. As many as possible of the enemy troops were to be hunted down and killed. As much damage as possible was to be inflicted on their fighting capability by diminishing their numbers and by scattering such units as still functioned far and wide. Regular references to the dispersal and prolonged pursuit of defeated Persian forces indicate that Heraclius was following these precepts and was seeking, at every available opportunity, to chip away at Persian fighting strength as well as Persian morale.

The Last Great War of Antiquity by  (Page 244)

James Howard-Johnston: The Last Great War of Antiquity (2021, Oxford University Press) No rating

There was no question but that Heraclius must take personal command of defensive operations. He received conflicting advice, but does not seem to have hesitated. The closer the war drew to his capital and the grimmer the future looked, the more urgent was it for the Roman emperor to plunge into the fray himself, to invest all his mental and physical energy into the struggle for survival, and by his presence and example to give added inspiration to his men. The defeat of 613, terrible in its consequences, for which he as supreme commander must have had to shoulder responsibility was now to be pushed aside. All his intelligence, all his strategic and tactical acumen, all his skills of man-management, all his diplomatic subtlety would be required, if the fortunes of the Romans were to be revived.

The Last Great War of Antiquity by  (Page 192)

Aleksandr Aleksandrovič Bogdanov: Red Star (2006, Indiana University Press)

A communist society on Mars, the Russian revolution, and class struggle on two planets is …

As to our own difficulties and dangers, we shall have to overcome them by other means. We must increase our efforts to find synthetic proteins and, to the best of our present abilities, we must undertake the colonization of Venus. If we fail to solve these problems in the little time we have left, we must temporarily check the birth rate. What intelligent midwife would not sacrifice the life of an unborn child in order to save the mother? If necessary, we must likewise sacrifice a part of our life that has not yet come into being for the sake of the lives of others who already exist and are developing. The union of our worlds will repay us endlessly for this sacrifice.

The unity of Life is our highest goal, and love is the highest expression of intelligence!" (A deep hush. Menni took the floor.)

Red Star by  (Page 119)

James Howard-Johnston: The Last Great War of Antiquity (2021, Oxford University Press) No rating

Phocas could now be vilified as the very type of the bad ruler, as bloodthirsty, brutal, and the bringer of disaster on his people, while the new emperor was praised as his antithesis. Heraclius had need of such propaganda, both negative (damning his predecessor) and positive (lauding his own character and achievements), to bolster his political position. While it was secure in the short term, resting as it did on the armed might of the land and sea forces which he had brought with him, he needed to win the active support of his subjects by bringing the war with Persia to an end on acceptable terms. So hopes of peace were proclaimed by the most eloquent of his panegyrists, the great poet George of Pisidia. Such hopes of peace were surely not unrealistic. It was not unreasonable to expect an end to hostilities and to the flow of blood on battlefields which had more than matched that at home, now that Heraclius had achieved for the Persians their announced war aim.

The Last Great War of Antiquity by  (Page 69)

James Howard-Johnston: The Last Great War of Antiquity (2021, Oxford University Press) No rating

As for the economic and social health of the cities of the Egypt, the evidence of John of Nikiu is unequivocal: the old order was still firmly in place. Cities were effectively managed by the provincial authorities working together with each city’s local establishment, and most of them were successfully kept out of the conflict. Those which were involved because of their geographical position remained under the control of the authorities until the civil war was over or almost over. In some cases (Nikiu, Athribis, and Sebennytos), probably representative of the majority, the authorities succeeded in bringing the whole city out in support of one side or the other. In others (Alexandria and Onouphis), probably representative of a minority, there were sharp divisions in the local elite which broke out into the open in the course of the battle for hegemony in Egypt. But even in such cases of fission at the apex of a city, the opposing parties in the elite remained in control of events. It was only probably towards the end of the civil war and in the following transitional period between Bonosus’ departure and the imposition of the new rebel regime’s authority that the factions escaped briefly from the control of the authorities. John of Nikiu, who is probably repeating the official line, blames the Greens for starting the troubles, points to a common pattern in the disturbances—inter-factional fighting sparking off local crime waves—and indicates, without giving any details, that they were widespread. Whatever their incidence, whether or not the Greens took the lead in every outbreak, and whether or not local political influences were at work behind the scenes (none of which can be determined from John of Nikiu’s short notice), the disturbances should not be regarded as manifestations of a deep-seated economic and social malaise, nor as marking a deterioration in the long-established local political order—for one simple reason: they were suppressed without apparent difficulty by the new rebel regime as it established its authority in the interior.

The Last Great War of Antiquity by  (Page 60)